CIA agent, Harry Goldberg, looks at Australia in 1960

Australian Report

E. Melbourne (ctd.)

4. MacNolte and Tripovich

Respectively President and General-Secretary of the Victorian Labor Party.

Two real vermin, whom I had been warned against, but I went to see them so that nobody could say I neglected to see anybody. MacNolte rules the roost, Tripovich is merely a messenger boy. MacNolte is a bitter sectarian (anti-Catholic) who foams at the mouth literally if you mention DLP, is that peculiar valuable type for the commies who, while claiming to be anti-communist, always carries the ball for them, is always seconding their motions, etc.

He greeted me at the very beginning with the copy of the Free Trade Union News carrying Joe Riordan’s article on the commie influence in the trade unions. “Lies, pure exaggeration and lies, and the AFL-CIO prints it”. I told him we didn’t think so, that we print no lies, and gave the story of what happened to me at the meeting as proof, and pressed him hard on the matter. “That was only a bit of noise; there are very few communists and they just make some noise, that’s all”.

“Well,” I answered, “You allow them to make the noise, and not only do nothing about it but support them in the issues that were raised. People like you are responsible for their influence”.

Then Tripovich put in his revealing two cents, “Do you expect us to be against the communists because they’re communists? I don’t care what their political ideology is, if they are good trade unionists. And Brown (that’s the guy who yelled “Murderer” at me, whose name I had mentioned and what did they think about it – H) is one of the best trade unionists I know. Even works on Saturday and Sunday, helping workers visiting their wives in hospitals, etc. etc.”

And remember, this is the leader of the Labor Party, the political wing, not the ACTU.

Then he gave me the final crushing proof of how they’re anti-communists. He gave me the Constitution of the Labor Party and pointed to the article which said no member of the Communist Party can be a member of the Labor Party, etc, etc.

I looked at it, then at him, said good-bye, and walked out. I’d had it.

5. Bland

Went to the bully-boy to see what makes him tick. This guy has power; he’s on the Civil Service list, so he keeps on while Ministers of Labor come and go. (I met the Minister of Labor McMahon, also. Absolutely nothing; a nincompoop). He handles all the cases and makes the decisions. And given the Arbitration System in Australia he has a lot to do and settle.

 Don’t underestimate his intelligence. He’s keen. He regards himself as a “fixer”, as a “smoother-over.” It’s his reputation for fixing that concerns him and that’s why he wants no “trouble”, and wants his reputation to be assured with all concerned, commies included. Principles of course, like with most of these Australians, do not enter into it.

Right at the beginning, I threw the blowup at the hall at him. He deprecated it of course (some of them did; in private), and then went into a lengthy, intellectual explanation of why the  movement is backward, non-intellectually developed, and why therefore the commies were strong. Coming from anybody else it would have made sense, because the guy is no slouch. But coming from the guy who got Healey off the hot seat its hypocritical  nature was evident.

Of course, I threw that right at him after remarking that his explanation was interesting and asked why analyses did not influence actions in his case since he also sounded anti-communist. Oh, he was a government representative and he had to adjudicate impartially, and all that. That’s, of course, the answer I expected. I paid my respects to that answer, and then left it at that. No use any further discussion.

A very smooth, slick operator, one bent essentially on maintaining his own little empire intact, therefore he will swim with the current. If the prevailing line is complacency re-commies he will go along. If the tide turns he’ll  turn also, because Bland is for Bland and nothing else.

6. The Emigres

a. As I said before they are all, each in his own way, doing good work. I met with all of them. Frank Knopfelmacher and Stargardt of the Cultural Freedom crowd, co-workers of Krygier – both University professors and fighting commie influence there which is great. 

They’re trying to put out a magazine and naturally asked for aid from us whom they regard as the source of all virtue (including money). I didn’t promise them anything, of course, said only I would take it up. But they’re very good types. One’s a Czech and the other German.

b. Then our friend, Oscar Rozenbess, who’s conduction a fight all on his own around his News and Views. He makes his living driving a taxi, and is a vice-president of the Taxi Union and its representative to the Trades Council where he conducts a fight versus the bureaucracy no matter the odds. He’s energetic, dedicated and courageous. Hes only lacks  tactical sensitivity. 

He was so glad of our coming that he couldn’t resist presenting himself as sort of our agent which was not good, and for which I bawled him out. But he’s doing very good work. He made a number of requests chiefly for literature which we’ll be able to handle.

c. Bono Wiener

A real character. Background Polish Bund. Through both the Nazi and Soviet concentration camps. Hates them like poison. Is courageous and a fighter. Has two blind spots though:

1) he’s anti-Catholic and so is prejudiced re- the DLP (you know – versus the Catholic Church and versus the Commies) and, 2) he’s for the admission of Communist China to the UN. I hammered away hard at these two things with him and think I made a dent on him. We will keep in touch.

Who’s Who (from Tribune article) 

Oscar Rozenbess: Former secretary of the Melbourne Taxi Drivers Association. Former Labor Minister Cameron was probably referring to Rozenbess when he told parliament last Thursday about “a CIA operative who covered by working as a taxi driver”.

Richard Krygier: Sydney book importer who founded the CIA funded Australian Association for Cultural Freedom which published Quadrant. Named in parliament as a CIA agent by Cameron.

Laurie: Mr L Short, national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers Association (FIA). Former Trotskyist now on the ALP’s extreme right.

Harry Hurrell: FIA national president, regarded as the real power in the union until recently.

Joe Riordan: Former secretary of the NSW Clerks Union, a rightwinger who later fell out with Maynes. Elected ALP member for Phillip he became a minister in Whitlam’s cabinet but lost his seat in 1975.

Fred Campbell: Former NSW secretary of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU).

Harry Jensen: ETU official who became Lord Mayor of Sydney. Now Minster for Local Government in the Wran ministry.

Dr Evatt: Federal Labor  leader after Chifley. Former High Court judge and brilliant lawyer, Evatt appeared before the Petrov Commission accusing Menzies and ASIO of securing Petrov’s defection as an anti-Labor stunt. This led to the 1955 ALP split.

Arthur Calwell: ALP leader after Evatt retired. A rightwing Catholic, he moved to a centre position and finally opposed the Vietnam war.

Bland: Sir Henry Bland, top public service bureaucrat (Holt’s secretary of Labor and National Service, then Defence Department secretary). Briefly chairman of the ABC under Fraser.

B.A.Santamaria: Director of the National Civic Council (NCC) and power behind the now almost defunct Democratic Labor Party (DLP).

Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes: Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy in the Menzies government.

Jim Kenny: Former rightwing secretary, NSW Labor Council.

Jack Maynes: Federal president, Federated Clerks Union, NCC supporter and DLP member.

Littleton: Probably Little, Victorian THC president.

Vic Stout: Secretary of the Victorian Trades Hall Council for many years who finally opposed the NCC.

Bill Evans: Federal secretary of the Federated Enginedrivers (FEDFA), ACTU and THC vice-president. 

Albert Monk: ACTU president for many years and a “centre-right” force in the ALP.

Frank Knopfelmacher: A Sudeten German from Czechoslovakia, a notorious anti-communist academic.

Image

CIA agent, Harry Goldberg, looks at Australia in 1960

Australian Report

E. Melbourne

1. The Big Blow-up

The leaders of the Melbourne Trades and Labor Council – the real hotbed of commie influence – invited me to address the Council the evening I arrived. I suppose they didn’t dare not go through the motions, but they allowed me only five minutes, thinking thus to “pull my fangs” as it were, so I couldn’t raise the controversial Communist China issue.

The General-Secretary (and real leader) of the Council is Stout, an embittered, sour Catholic-hating leftist who keeps in power by playing with the commies and, of course, on the Catholic (DLP) issue they practically coincide. The president Littleton, who presides is supposed to be a better fellow. There was present also Bill Evans, Junior Vice-President of the ACTU, its No. 3 man.

Having so few minutes, I decided, after the first minute of the amenities (and I spoke fast) to just spend it on the Communist China issue. I hadn’t spoken more than a minute – recounting merely the revulsion in India and among Asian Socialists re- China, Tibet and India brutality, when the storm broke, led by their chief bully boy, Brown, of the Railway Union.

“What about Little Rock; what about the Rosenbergs”, and such were thrown at me by the commies, to be capped by Brown yelling “murderers”. The place was in an uproar, I couldn’t continue, the commies and their supporters were all on their feet howling in unison.

The Chairman, Littleton, was ringing the bell and finally got some order and I took the opportunity to put in one thought for another half minute. “Those who interrupt me are violators of democracy, which they pretend to believe in. The real test of democracy consists in allowing free expression of opinion to those who disagree with you”.

Uproar again. By this time some of the anti-commies were yelling back, “Let him speak; courtesy to the speaker”. Finally, one of them, Jack Maynes, a good one, obviously the floor leader of the anti-commie minority, and the Federal President of the Clerks (Joe Riordan’s fellow officer) proposed I be granted an extension of time. The Chairman, Littleton, obviously under Stout’s orders refused to entertain the motion. He finally got silence and I spoke for two minutes more and said my piece, again paying my respect to the commies.

Now, the commies didn’t have the majority there, but the interesting point to note is that they were allowed to get away with all this. The gutless get-along-with-the-commies-at-all-costs character of the leadership is that neither Stout, nor Littleton, nor Evans, said one bloody word during the meeting, in my favour, but more, not one word publicly versus the commies doing what they did.

Even further, Rose, Harry Hurrell and I had tea after it was all over with Stout, Littleton and Bill Evans. I waited to see what they would say. Even in private, not one word, either in explanation, or excuse, or criticism, or differentiation from the commies, as if the whole business were quite ordinary and OK from their point of view.

So there you have it. As I said above, however, it was the best thing that could have happened. The commies (and their stooges) overplayed their hand and I went to town on them in the newspapers, radio and television, all of whom came to me after the event. It was good.

2. Bill Evans

I invited him to lunch and he came. I put him on the spot about the whole business. Since our conversation showed up so well exactly those shortcoming of the ACTU leadership which he at the basis of the whole critical communist infiltration (ie lack of character, gutlessness, abysmal ignorance of principles, immoral lack of concern) let me give a blow by blow description here in the case of the No 3 man of the ACTU, who is also supposed to have a good record and background.

Goldberg: Well, Bill, that was quite a business. I was told the commies had a great deal of influence here. Now I know it is so. And it is because those who call themselves non-commies don’t do a thing about it and go along, and allow the commies to have their way all along the line.

We of the AFL-CIO want to have friendly relations with you, but that will be difficult when commies are allowed to howl down our representatives, call them murderers, without you people not only not doing but even not saying anything about it. We will not keep quiet about such scandalous behavior. How is it you didn’t say one bloody word about the business, Bill?

Evans: Well, Harry, why did you raise the question of China; you know how they feel about that?

Goldberg: You mean that I should allow the commies to veto what I want to say, and you would go along with that? You mean nobody who disagrees with the commies should be allowed to state his disagreements? And what about their calling a representative of the AFL-CIO “Murderer”?

Don’t you, a leader of the ACTU, who wants to have friendly relations with the AFL-CIO, presumably have anything to say about that?

Evans: Well, they have as much right to call you murderer as you have to call them.

Goldberg: What do you mean by that?

Evans: Well, you implied about Tibet that the communists were murderers, didn’t you?

(No more comment necessary, is there. Here you have the abysmal ignorance of morals and principles of one who regards himself as a socialist. Naturally, I educated him on this point, or rather, tried to, and then he proceeded on another tack re China).

Evans: Look, Harry, you may think a few things are wrong in China, and I may think, but that is not the important thing. The important thing is what the Chinese themselves think. And that’s why I can understand why our blokes what to go to China for a look-see. I would like to go myself to prove to myself what I suspect, namely, that the overwhelming majority of Chinese like their situation, and are firm supporters of their government.

(So I tried to educate him on this question, on the Communes, on what they signified, about the instances which proved the deep hatred of the Chinese masses of the commies’ bureaucracy, but go fight City Hall. One other remark of his, also characteristic of this benighted leadership, will prove interesting):

Evans: You see, Harry, we are different and so are our movements. The AFL-CIO is not socialist, you believe in the preservation of capitalism. We are socialists and believe in doing away with capitalism. This places us much nearer to the communists.

Well, there you have it! This should about explain everything without my telling you what I told him in return.

And this is supposed to be one of the better ones!

3. Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes

As I told you, a good guy and well-informed, independent and always taking off against Communist China and supporting Taiwan. He told me a good deal of the rottenness inside the Liberal Party – ie the opportunism and lack of principle vis-a-vis Communist China, etc. He has no use for Menzies and it is easy to see why. He will be coming to Washington in the near future. I invited him to come to se us. I hope he does. He will be a good contact. He’s married to an American wife.

Who’s Who (from Tribune article) 

Oscar Rozenbess: Former secretary of the Melbourne Taxi Drivers Association. Former Labor Minister Cameron was probably referring to Rozenbess when he told parliament last Thursday about “a CIA operative who covered by working as a taxi driver”.

Richard Krygier: Sydney book importer who founded the CIA funded Australian Association for Cultural Freedom which published Quadrant. Named in parliament as a CIA agent by Cameron.

Laurie: Mr L Short, national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers Association (FIA). Former Trotskyist now on the ALP’s extreme right.

Harry Hurrell: FIA national president, regarded as the real power in the union until recently.

Joe Riordan: Former secretary of the NSW Clerks Union, a rightwinger who later fell out with Maynes. Elected ALP member for Phillip he became a minister in Whitlam’s cabinet but lost his seat in 1975.

Fred Campbell: Former NSW secretary of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU).

Harry Jensen: ETU official who became Lord Mayor of Sydney. Now Minster for Local Government in the Wran ministry.

Dr Evatt: Federal Labor  leader after Chifley. Former High Court judge and brilliant lawyer, Evatt appeared before the Petrov Commission accusing Menzies and ASIO of securing Petrov’s defection as an anti-Labor stunt. This led to the 1955 ALP split.

Arthur Calwell: ALP leader after Evatt retired. A rightwing Catholic, he moved to a centre position and finally opposed the Vietnam war.

Bland: Sir Henry Bland, top public service bureaucrat (Holt’s secretary of Labor and National Service, then Defence Department secretary). Briefly chairman of the ABC under Fraser.

B.A.Santamaria: Director of the National Civic Council (NCC) and power behind the now almost defunct Democratic Labor Party (DLP).

Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes: Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy in the Menzies government.

Jim Kenny: Former rightwing secretary, NSW Labor Council.

Jack Maynes: Federal president, Federated Clerks Union, NCC supporter and DLP member.

Littleton: Probably Little, Victorian THC president.

Vic Stout: Secretary of the Victorian Trades Hall Council for many years who finally opposed the NCC.

Bill Evans: Federal secretary of the Federated Enginedrivers (FEDFA), ACTU and THC vice-president. 

Albert Monk: ACTU president for many years and a “centre-right” force in the ALP.

Frank Knopfelmacher: A Sudeten German from Czechoslovakia, a notorious anti-communist academic.

Image

CIA agent, Harry Goldberg, looks at Australia in 1960

Australian Report

D. Canberra

1. Calwell, Leader of Labor Party.

He’s a better type than Evatt, of course (how could he be worse), but the big question mark with him, as with others, is whether he has the guts to make the fight versus the commies and put the Labor Party back on an even keel of democratic progressivism free of commie influence.

The general opinion here of our friends is (Laurie is a minority of almost one on the question) that although he’d like to, and would, if it were easier, that he hasn’t the intestinal fortitude to do so because it will take a real hard fight to accomplish the thing.

I can’t, of course, pose as an authority after a single conversation with him of two hours, but I tend to doubt the extent of his firmness and courage. I do think that our conversation threw some light on the matter, so I’ll give it as briefly as I can, blow-by-blow. My initial question, of course, was calculated to get us right to the heart of things:

Goldberg: Well, Calwell, when will the Labor Party come back into power?

Calwell: Oh, I think at the next election.

Goldberg: I don’t see how you can.

Calwell: What do you mean?

Goldberg: This is a natural labor country, and if you had a united Labor Party agreeing on principles, you’d probably have no difficulty coming back and you could be Prime Minister. But the Labor Party is split, there are differences on fundamental questions and so long as the DLP remains out, it has enough votes to stop you. The Labor Party cannot come back without getting the DLP back in the fold.

Calwell: Oh, yes, you’re right about that, Goldberg, but I’m working at that.

Goldberg: How so?

Calwell: I’m appealing to their rank and file over the heads of their leaders (and here he launched  into a bitter attack on the leaders, of why they didn’t give their second preference vote to the Labor Party, etc.). His whole approach was one of an administrative discipline sort, charging splitters, etc., without his touching at all upon the issues (commie influence, Communist China), which had brought the split about. This was the give-away re- his character and intentions, as far as I was concerned, and so I made my pitch at this point.

Goldberg: Well, Calwell, I doubt whether these admonitions will accomplish anything much. You’ll never win back the bulk of the DLP unless you attend to the issues which forced them out. Unless you stand up to the commies, weed out their influence inside the labor movement, and get rid of complacent compromise with Communist China, like the chief Asian socialist parties have done, you will not be able to unite the party, the Labor Party will not come back into power, and you’ll never be Prime Minster.

What you need is a Labor Party united on principle, fighting versus social reaction of the large industrial interests on the one hand and versus the communists on the other.

Calwell: I agree with you, and that’s exactly the kind of a Labor Party I intend to have.

Goldberg: Well, that’s good. I want to tell you frankly that I intend to see Santamaria and the DLP trade union boys in Melbourne; I want to get all points of view. I could give you my impression, if you’d care, after that.

Calwell: I would be interested in that.

Goldberg: And I can tell them what you’ve just told me about wanting to clean the commies out and restoring the Labor Party to its own even keel?

At this point the conversation became rather fuzzy around the edges. Well, you can judge for yourself from the above.

We discussed other matters, for instance the problem of New Guinea and relations to Indonesia with which the Australians are quite naturally deeply concerned, but this part we’ll skip.

2. Ambassador Seebold

I did this, not only to pay my respects, but to see if I couldn’t help Martinson, our labor attache, a bit. His position here at the Embassy is not too hot.

It isn’t that Seebold is malevolent or anti-labor; not at all, he just doesn’t realise the importance of the labor question in Australia. Also administratively, he wants to keep his “flock” around him in Canberra where they can be seen and controlled.

Now, in the case of the Labor Attache, this is pure idiocy. He should be stationed either in Sydney or Melbourne, the two chief labor centers in the country (there really should be a man in each place).

I offered to go to bat specifically on this question with the Ambassador. But Gene asked me not to, since his position as it were was a bit difficult, and the Ambassador would feel that he had put me up to it which would only worsen his situation. There was something to this so I didn’t mention it in my talk with the Ambassador, though it’s something we’ll have to take up vigorously at home.

Seebold had spent many years in Asia (especially Japan) and was interested in all sorts of situations. I gave him my impressions about Japan, also of India as well as Indonesia at length. Then I took up the Australian situation and ended with the importance of the labor question here.

I think he was impressed. He certainly kept me there, asking questions, etc. We were there for one hour and twenty minutes, longer, said Martinson, than any non-diplomatic guy had ever been given by the Ambassador. I think the conversation helped Martinson’s position. That at least is what he himself said to us, at the end.

About the Ambassador as also Martinson, I’ll have something else to add, privately, when we’re home.

3. Peter Hayden – Deputy Director, Ministry of External Affairs.

A nice guy and a sharp guy. We discussed chiefly two questions. Indonesia and the New Guinea question (I wanted to get from the horse’s mouth the offical Government position). I did. No details of this necessary here.

As to the position of the Government on South Africa, I had the definite feeling that Hayden was not comfortable with it and that personally he didn’t agree. He tried weakly at first to defend the Government’s position saying it was an internal affair of South Africa and it would be unwise to bring it up in the UN, because then, he added “Why couldn’t we also bring up the question of Negro discrimination in the US before the UN, it would be just as legitimate.”

(And these are the better, more intelligent ones in Australia, mind you! – H)

I pressed him sharply here, of course, on his absolute lack of discrimination between the two cases, pointing out first the depth of the violence, and the complete violation of every human and democratic principle and further that  this policy was an offical policy of a government, whereas our case was relatively very minor, that the offical policy of the government and the Supreme Court was versus discrimination, that the majority of the people were versus it; that only a small sectional minority was still opposing, that great progress had been made democratically, that the present sit downs were within democratic procedures, and I had not doubt that further progress would be made. Things were moving inexorably and inevitably in the right direction.

He admitted at the end that he was wrong. 

That’s about all for Canberra.

Who’s Who (from Tribune article) 

Oscar Rozenbess: Former secretary of the Melbourne Taxi Drivers Association. Former Labor Minister Cameron was probably referring to Rozenbess when he told parliament last Thursday about “a CIA operative who covered by working as a taxi driver”.

Richard Krygier: Sydney book importer who founded the CIA funded Australian Association for Cultural Freedom which published Quadrant. Named in parliament as a CIA agent by Cameron.

Laurie: Mr L Short, national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers Association (FIA). Former Trotskyist now on the ALP’s extreme right.

Harry Hurrell: FIA national president, regarded as the real power in the union until recently.

Joe Riordan: Former secretary of the NSW Clerks Union, a rightwinger who later fell out with Maynes. Elected ALP member for Phillip he became a minister in Whitlam’s cabinet but lost his seat in 1975.

Fred Campbell: Former NSW secretary of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU).

Harry Jensen: ETU official who became Lord Mayor of Sydney. Now Minster for Local Government in the Wran ministry.

Dr Evatt: Federal Labor  leader after Chifley. Former High Court judge and brilliant lawyer, Evatt appeared before the Petrov Commission accusing Menzies and ASIO of securing Petrov’s defection as an anti-Labor stunt. This led to the 1955 ALP split.

Arthur Calwell: ALP leader after Evatt retired. A rightwing Catholic, he moved to a centre position and finally opposed the Vietnam war.

Bland: Sir Henry Bland, top public service bureaucrat (Holt’s secretary of Labor and National Service, then Defence Department secretary). Briefly chairman of the ABC under Fraser.

B.A.Santamaria: Director of the National Civic Council (NCC) and power behind the now almost defunct Democratic Labor Party (DLP).

Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes: Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy in the Menzies government.

Jim Kenny: Former rightwing secretary, NSW Labor Council.

Jack Maynes: Federal president, Federated Clerks Union, NCC supporter and DLP member.

Littleton: Probably Little, Victorian THC president.

Vic Stout: Secretary of the Victorian Trades Hall Council for many years who finally opposed the NCC.

Bill Evans: Federal secretary of the Federated Enginedrivers (FEDFA), ACTU and THC vice-president. 

Albert Monk: ACTU president for many years and a “centre-right” force in the ALP.

Frank Knopfelmacher: A Sudeten German from Czechoslovakia, a notorious anti-communist academic.

Image

CIA agent, Harry Goldberg, looks at Australia in 1960

Australian Report

C. Sydney

1. Jim Kenny

Don’t have to say much here. The only value for me, right at the beginning, was to see the point to which ACTU top leadership had degenerated.

He is supposed to have a past record of strength and firm anti-communism. He’s a perfect specimen of lack of principle and complete gutlessness. We raised the commie issue of course and baited him about Monk, but no go. He just squirmed and was visibly quite embarrassed but no admission out of him at all. It was really pathetic, and we cut it short.

I told him I would like to see Monk, but he told me Monk was away in West Australia and wouldn’t be back before we left. Monk’s date out there, incidentally, was quite legitimate, I learned later. Too bad. It would have been good to bait him face to face.

2. Jensen

This Lord Mayor of Sydney tried to impress upon me that he was one of the boys, that he was an old trade unionist, etc. The latter is true, but he’s a real opportunist, interested only in Jensen, who’s used his past labor record as a ladder to climb up on.

The conversation turned a good deal on one topic, which I raised very strongly with those present, the wages of union leaders and their union staffs. These are incredibly low, and I think that’s another illustration of the labor movement’s backwardness here. I was shocked to find out, for instance, that my secretary’s wages are as much as say Laurie gets as head of the Ironworkers’ Union! It’s incredible! Imagine then what  the wages of his staff are. 

It’s due chiefly to two causes: 1) the low contributions made by the workers and 2) the false proletarianism of the workers generally. The result is that unions are terrifically hampered in their work, considerably understaffed, etc. It also accounts for the generally low level of union staff men, for how can they get people of ability at such low wages. They simply go elsewhere.

A contribution is also made, I’d imagine, by the system of arbitration here. Workers have the feeling that a good deal of what they get (when and if they get it) comes from the working of the Tribunal Boards. They tend to look upon their union as a helpful middleman, as it were, rather than their exclusive, indispensable defender.

But whatever the cause, the situation is scandalous. I’d been hammering at Laurie, telling him its about time he educated his membership on the false proletarianism prevalent, it seems, in Australia, and I raised it again sharply at this Consul General’s luncheon with some of labor’s top leaders present. 

There was general agreement with me, except for this hypocrite, Jensen (who I later learned had left the trade union movement because, as he said it didn’t pay high enough salaries) who said he opposed raising wages, that it would destroy the idealism (sic!) of equality characterising the Australian trade union movement and that he hoped things would not go as they had gone in America where materialism had sapped the idealism of  trade unionism.

Well, you can imagine how I let this guy have it, straight between the eyes. The good thing was that everybody else there agreed with me.

Who’s Who (from Tribune article) 

Oscar Rozenbess: Former secretary of the Melbourne Taxi Drivers Association. Former Labor Minister Cameron was probably referring to Rozenbess when he told parliament last Thursday about “a CIA operative who covered by working as a taxi driver”.

Richard Krygier: Sydney book importer who founded the CIA funded Australian Association for Cultural Freedom which published Quadrant. Named in parliament as a CIA agent by Cameron.

Laurie: Mr L Short, national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers Association (FIA). Former Trotskyist now on the ALP’s extreme right.

Harry Hurrell: FIA national president, regarded as the real power in the union until recently.

Joe Riordan: Former secretary of the NSW Clerks Union, a rightwinger who later fell out with Maynes. Elected ALP member for Phillip he became a minister in Whitlam’s cabinet but lost his seat in 1975.

Fred Campbell: Former NSW secretary of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU).

Harry Jensen: ETU official who became Lord Mayor of Sydney. Now Minster for Local Government in the Wran ministry.

Dr Evatt: Federal Labor  leader after Chifley. Former High Court judge and brilliant lawyer, Evatt appeared before the Petrov Commission accusing Menzies and ASIO of securing Petrov’s defection as an anti-Labor stunt. This led to the 1955 ALP split.

Arthur Calwell: ALP leader after Evatt retired. A rightwing Catholic, he moved to a centre position and finally opposed the Vietnam war.

Bland: Sir Henry Bland, top public service bureaucrat (Holt’s secretary of Labor and National Service, then Defence Department secretary). Briefly chairman of the ABC under Fraser.

B.A.Santamaria: Director of the National Civic Council (NCC) and power behind the now almost defunct Democratic Labor Party (DLP).

Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes: Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy in the Menzies government.

Jim Kenny: Former rightwing secretary, NSW Labor Council.

Jack Maynes: Federal president, Federated Clerks Union, NCC supporter and DLP member.

Littleton: Probably Little, Victorian THC president.

Vic Stout: Secretary of the Victorian Trades Hall Council for many years who finally opposed the NCC.

Bill Evans: Federal secretary of the Federated Enginedrivers (FEDFA), ACTU and THC vice-president. 

Albert Monk: ACTU president for many years and a “centre-right” force in the ALP.

Frank Knopfelmacher: A Sudeten German from Czechoslovakia, a notorious anti-communist academic.

Image

CIA agent, Harry Goldberg, looks at Australia in 1960

Australian Report

B. People Seen ¹ and Things Done

Let me enumerate first before going into detail on the more important ones whom I saw and what I did. I spent the first three days in Sydney; then went to Canberra for an evening and a day; then almost three days in Melbourne, the real hotbed of pro-commie influence, then back to Sydney for the last couple of days before leaving.

1. Sydney. When I landed there were newspapers, radio and television guys all ready at the airport, prepared by Laurie. So we had a general interview and I was able to make my pitch, specially re- Communist China right at the beginning. It was reported in the newspapers and on the radio, also on TV. That didn’t hurt. At the very beginning it was known by everybody that I was here and what I said.

I then met Laurie’s staff at his office for a chat. His assistant, Harry Hurrell, is a real good guy (he later accompanied us to Melbourne and was very helpful). A little later Joe Riordan of the Clerks, and Chris McGrane of the Postal Workers (he had been to the States) dropped in for a pow-wow. One night later we had dinner with Riordan at his house and a chance for a long private chat. He’s one of the very best of them.

Laurie, Harry Hurrell and I had lunch with Jim Kenny (Senior Vice-President of the ACTU) and Norm Thom, President of the NSWales Trades and Labor Council. Of the later.

At a lunch tendered to me the next day by this US Acting Consul-General (Taft) of Sydney, we met some more of the labor leaders including Fred Campbell, President of the NSW Labor Party and Jensen, the Lord Mayor of Sydney, who has recently gotten this brotherhood award from the Jewish Theological Seminary (he’s a phony – more later). Also saw Gene Martinson, US Labor Attache of whom, also, more later. Also saw Krygier and  the Cultural Freedom crowd.

2. In Canberra. Calwell, the new Leader of the Labor Party, threw a dinner for me in Parliament. Present besides Laurie, Rose and myself and Gene and Mrss Martinson, were Whitlam, Dep leader of the Party, some Labor MPs and an ex-Ambassador to US (Curtin). I sat next to Calwell and we chatted practically undisturbed for two hours.

Attended a Parliamentary session, and met and talked with many Labor MPs in the corridors (we were there for three hours). During that time also had a session with the Attorney-General, Sir Godfrey Barwick. Had a conference with Peter Hayden, Dep Minister of External Affairs and a long session with Seebold, our Ambassador.

3. In Melbourne. That’s where all the fun took place and where the commies overplayed their hand and really gave me a chance to get back at them. It also illustrated dramatically the gutlessness of the ACTU leadership. It happened when I addressed the Melbourne Trades and Labor Council, the same evening I arrived. They allowed me five minutes. The commies howled me down. It was the best thing that could have happened. Details later.

As a result of that, I had a news conference next day in my hotel room. All the important newspapers of Melbourne were there, including a Catholic and Jewish weekly, plus radio and television. I made my pitch and it went all over the country.

I met all the anti-commie trade union leaders of Melbourne at lunches and dinners, most of them in the DLP, and talked things over. I met Santamaria, the brains behind the DLP; also with Archbishop Mannix.

I had lunch with Bill Evans (I invited him), the Junior Vice-President of the ACTU (he had been present at the Trades Hall blowup).

I met with the Cultural Freedom representatives; also with Oscar Rozenbess (News and Views), with Bono Wiener, etc. 

I had a long session in my hotel room with Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes, leading member of the Liberal Party, ex-Cabinet Minister who had been kicked out by Menzies because of his independent spirit, an outspoken enemy of Communist China and friend of Taiwan (also, incidentally, the director of the 1956 Melbourne Olympics); a very knowledgeable and good guy. 

At a luncheon, met and sat next to Senator McMahon, the leader of the DLP in Parliament; a very good guy. Had a session, finally with McNolte, President, and Tripovich, General Secretary of the Victorian Labor Party; also bully boy, Bland.

4. Back in Sydney. Some lunches with some more trade union leaders; a meeting again with the cultural freedom boys (Krygier); a session with Bishop Carroll, the right-hand man of Cardinal Gilroy, who takes the Bishop’s directives on labor (as you know there is a bitter difference and conflict between the Archbishop and the Cardinal re the DLP); an interview by an Editor of Observer the best anti-commie bi-weekly in Australia (who wants to do “The Goldberg Visit”), and finally my “last will and testament” before leaving Australia, two letters written to Calwell and Monk, copies of which I have with me.

As you can see, my schedule was pretty crowded. Now some details on some of the highlights of my conversations.

1. Who’s Who (from Tribune article)
Oscar Rozenbess: Former secretary of the Melbourne Taxi Drivers Association. Former Labor Minister Cameron was probably referring to Rozenbess when he told parliament last Thursday about “a CIA operative who covered by working as a taxi driver”.

Richard Krygier: Sydney book importer who founded the CIA funded Australian Association for Cultural Freedom which published Quadrant. Named in parliament as a CIA agent by Cameron.

Laurie: Mr L Short, national secretary of the Federated Ironworkers Association (FIA). Former Trotskyist now on the ALP’s extreme right.

Harry Hurrell: FIA national president, regarded as the real power in the union until recently.

Joe Riordan: Former secretary of the NSW Clerks Union, a rightwinger who later fell out with Maynes. Elected ALP member for Phillip he became a minister in Whitlam’s cabinet but lost his seat in 1975.

Fred Campbell: Former NSW secretary of the Electrical Trades Union (ETU).

Harry Jensen: ETU official who became Lord Mayor of Sydney. Now Minster for Local Government in the Wran ministry.

Dr Evatt: Federal Labor leader after Chifley. Former High Court judge and brilliant lawyer, Evatt appeared before the Petrov Commission accusing Menzies and ASIO of securing Petrov’s defection as an anti-Labor stunt. This led to the 1955 ALP split.

Arthur Calwell: ALP leader after Evatt retired. A rightwing Catholic, he moved to a centre position and finally opposed the Vietnam war.

Bland: Sir Henry Bland, top public service bureaucrat (Holt’s secretary of Labor and National Service, then Defence Department secretary). Briefly chairman of the ABC under Fraser.

B.A.Santamaria: Director of the National Civic Council (NCC) and power behind the now almost defunct Democratic Labor Party (DLP).

Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes: Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy in the Menzies government.

Jim Kenny: Former rightwing secretary, NSW Labor Council.

Jack Maynes: Federal president, Federated Clerks Union, NCC supporter and DLP member.

Littleton: Probably Little, Victorian THC president.

Vic Stout: Secretary of the Victorian Trades Hall Council for many years who finally opposed the NCC.

Bill Evans: Federal secretary of the Federated Enginedrivers (FEDFA), ACTU and THC vice-president.

Albert Monk: ACTU president for many years and a “centre-right” force in the ALP.

Frank Knopfelmacher: A Sudeten German from Czechoslovakia, a notorious anti-communist academic.↩

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